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Canada betrays anti-corruption campaign

Montreal-based engineering & construction company SNC-Lavalin Inc. is accused of allegedly bribing foreign officials.

When foreign companies employ corrupt business practices in the developing world, they are engaged in illegal activities that undermine good governance, exacerbate the gap between the haves and have-nots, and contribute to social instability that can lead to violence, extremism, and civil conflict.

Whether bribing foreign officials to win lucrative government contracts, or deliberately not paying their fair share of taxes, foreign corporations are committing crimes that tend to hurt many of the most vulnerable people in the developing world.

Over the past four years, the issue of corruption has garnered significant international attention. From the G7 summit of 2015 that forced the industrialized world to acknowledge corporate wrongdoing, to the release of the so-called Panama Papers that same year, to the international anti-corruption conference of 2016, the issue of corruption has made headlines around the world.

While the countries of the industrialized world tend to pay lip service to the campaign to stamp out bribery of foreign officials, end tax avoidance, and promote good governance in Africa and elsewhere, the reality is that the world’s wealthier countries remain reluctant to close tax loopholes and prosecute companies based within their borders for corporate malfeasance.

For example, the government of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is resisting the notion of prosecuting SNC-Lavalin Inc., a Montreal-based engineering and construction company with a global reach, for alleged corporate crimes committed in the developing world.

If Canada is not willing to prosecute alleged corporate criminals, what does that say about the Trudeau government's commitment to poverty reduction, good governance, and human development in the developing world?

Political interference

The Liberal government is caught in a political storm of its own making that shows no signs of abating and may scuttle Justin Trudeau's electoral chances in the upcoming federal election.

It is alleged that in 2018 the Trudeau administration pressured then attorney general Jody Wilson-Raybould to pursue a remediation agreement with SNC-Lavalin. Such an arrangement, formally known a deferred prosecution agreement, would spare the company criminal prosecution for alleged corrupt business practices overseas.

In Sept. of 2018, Kathleen Roussel, Director of Public Prosecution announced the decision to pursue fraud and corruption charges against SNC-Lavalin. It was then that Wilson-Raybould reportedly came under sustained pressure to override the decision to prosecute and instead pursue a deferred prosecution agreement, effectively giving the company a pass on its alleged crimes.

The former attorney general recently testified before the parliamentary justice committee. And Wilson-Raybould stated that she was pressured not only by the clerk of the Privy Council, the minister of finance, the principal secretary to the prime minister, the prime minister’s chief of staff, but also by Prime Minister Trudeau, himself. She testified that they raised concerns about the economic repercussions of prosecuting SNC-Lavalin and possible job losses in Canada.

The Trudeau government stands accused of attempting to secure a deferred prosecution agreement for SNC-Lavalin.

Despite the sustained pressure, Wilson-Raybould repeatedly refused to overrule the decision of the Public Prosecution Service of Canada on the SNC-Lavalin file, thereby preserving the prosecutor’s independence from political interference.

However, the Prime Minister shuffled his Cabinet in January, shifting Wilson-Raybould to the Veterans Affairs portfolio, which was widely viewed as a demotion.

Not long after that, The Globe and Mail broke the story that the Prime Minister’s Office had pressured the attorney general on the SNC-Lavalin file. Shortly thereafter, Wilson-Raybould resigned from Cabinet, touching off a controversy that has tarnished Trudeau’s international image and caused dissension within Liberal ranks, prompting Jane Philpott to resign as President of Treasury Board and quit the Cabinet.

On March 8th, the Federal Court of Canada ruled that the Public Prosecution Service’s decision not to pursue a deferred prosecution agreement was proper. The court dismissed SNC-Lavalin’s application for a judicial review of the prosecutor’s decision to move forward with the criminal case.

SNC-Lavalin will, barring intervention by current Attorney General David Lametti, face criminal prosecution. An RCMP investigation has revealed that the company allegedly paid tens of millions of dollars in bribes to Libyan officials between 2001 and 2011. If true, SNC-Lavalin would be in violation of the Corruption of Foreign Officials Act and face a ten year ban from working on federal government contracts.

However, SNC-Lavalin has friends in high places and has lobbied the Trudeau government for help. And the governing Liberals continue to publicly warn that the prosecution of SNC-Lavalin would supposedly put 9,000 Canadian jobs at risk indicates. And the Liberals' advocacy for SNC-Lavalin raises troubling questions.

For example, does a powerful elite hold sway over the current Canadian government? Is the system rigged in favour of the super-rich, also known as the plutocrats?


In Plutocrats, Chrystia Freeland’s well received 2012 political economy book about the rise of super-rich elites around the globe, the former journalist writes of her 2011 interview with Dr. Kiran Bedi, India’s first woman police officer who was later promoted to head up the investigative division. By the time that Justin Trudeau’s future Foreign Affairs Minister met Bedi, the accomplished Indian woman was a grandmother and one of the top lieutenants of Anna Hazare, an anti-corruption activist.

Bedi told Freedland that India was “overwhelmed” by corruption, causing the country’s decline. “It was a relationship of illicit wealth between the people in power and the people who had money,” Bedi said. “They could afford to buy better contracts and those contracts are expensive and monopolistic—the mining rights, the key infrastructure rights.”

As a result of those cozy relationships, continued Bedi, the playing field was tilted in favour of the rich, causing an imbalance in India’s economy.

Similarly, Arum Maira, a former industrialist who became a member of India’s planning commission, told Freeland that one of the great advantages that the elites enjoy is “access to people in power.” Based on this statement, the author concludes that “corrupt business deals are the most extreme use--and abuse--of those relationships.”

In her 2012 book Plutocrats, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Chyrstia Freeland writes about the rise of a super-elite class and its corrupt business practices.

Another source, Indian hi-tech pioneer Kris Gopalakrishnan said that people who have access to power and governments “tend to get a better deal.”

To gain a better understanding of “what it is like to operate in a society where both opportunity and corruption are flourishing,” Freeland decided to interview an “up-and-coming” Mumbai businessman. She refers to her source merely as Raj.

The young businessman’s plastics enterprise was “thriving” at the time of the interview, due, in part, to corrupt practices. “It took me a long time to figure out who to bribe in government to get a government contract,” Raj confessed to Freeland.

Raj told her that he did not mind paying off government officials. “But he wished it had been easier and quicker to identify and befriend the right decision-maker in the civil service,” Freeland writes.

In the concluding chapter of Plutocrats, Freeland warns that the plutocrats are prone to short-term thinking. The super-elite class sometimes comes to the erroneous conclusion that their own self-interests are the same as those of society.

“Low taxes, light-touch regulation, weak unions, and unlimited campaign donations are certainly in the best interests of the plutocrats, but that doesn’t mean they are the right way to maintain the economic system that created today’s super-elite,” Freeland concludes.

Freeland also reckons that the plutocrats “can be betrayed by their own short-term self-interest into undermining the foundation of their society’s prosperity.”

Finally, Freeland addresses the exploitation of the developing world by the super-rich elite. For example, she contends that oligarchs who prosper in emerging markets don’t need to worry too much that repression at home is cutting them off from the innovation that democracies are better at nurturing.”

It is apparent from Freeland’s outstanding treatise that corruption is the enemy of good governance. But we must ask another central question: How does corruption affect the poorest and most vulnerable people in the developing world?

Bretton Woods institutions

The International Monetary Fund is dead set against corruption for a number of reasons, IMF official Rhoda Weeks-Brown told the 35th International Conference on the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act in a Nov. 2018 address.

Corruption is not "a victimless" crime, according to the IMF.

Weeks-Brown explained that the IMF cares about corruption, “because it impedes the IMF’s basic objectives of promoting global economic stability and helping our member countries achieve strong, sustainable and inclusive economic growth.”